大外交青年智庫(kù)·深圳
Glory Diplomacy
讓中國(guó)外交青年智慧被全球看見(jiàn)
為中國(guó)青年智庫(kù)代言
大外交青年智庫(kù)基式外交研究中心
作者：亨利?A?基辛格
譯者：大外交青年智庫(kù)基式外交研究中心
來(lái)源：《基式外交研究》2025年第25期“經(jīng)典文獻(xiàn)重譯”專(zhuān)欄文章
審定：基式外交研究中心學(xué)術(shù)委員會(huì)
文源：Kissinger, Henry A. "A World Free of Nuclear Weapons." The Wall Street Journal, January 4, 2007.
聲明：基式外交研究中心轉(zhuǎn)載、編譯與翻譯的內(nèi)容均為非商業(yè)性引用（學(xué)術(shù)研究），不作商用，版權(quán)歸原作者所有。如有問(wèn)題請(qǐng)即刻聯(lián)系，如需轉(zhuǎn)載請(qǐng)注明出處
郵箱：fydwjzhuanyong@126.com
一、中文
核武器在當(dāng)今世界構(gòu)成巨大威脅，但也帶來(lái)了歷史性機(jī)遇。美國(guó)必須發(fā)揮領(lǐng)導(dǎo)作用，推動(dòng)國(guó)際社會(huì)達(dá)成堅(jiān)實(shí)共識(shí)：全球范圍內(nèi)扭轉(zhuǎn)對(duì)核武器的依賴——這對(duì)防止核武器擴(kuò)散至潛在危險(xiǎn)勢(shì)力至關(guān)重要，并將最終消除其對(duì)世界的威脅。
冷戰(zhàn)期間，核武器作為威懾手段對(duì)維護(hù)國(guó)際安全具有核心作用。隨著冷戰(zhàn)終結(jié)，美蘇相互威懾理論已然過(guò)時(shí)。雖然威懾戰(zhàn)略仍是許多國(guó)家應(yīng)對(duì)他國(guó)威脅的考量要素，但依賴核武器實(shí)施威懾的做法正變得愈發(fā)危險(xiǎn)且效力日減。
朝鮮近期核試驗(yàn)與伊朗拒絕停止鈾濃縮計(jì)劃（可能提升至武器級(jí)）表明，世界正瀕臨危險(xiǎn)的新核時(shí)代的邊緣。最令人憂慮的是，非國(guó)家恐怖主義組織獲取核武器的可能性與日俱增。在恐怖主義勢(shì)力發(fā)動(dòng)的全球秩序之戰(zhàn)中，核武器是實(shí)施大規(guī)模毀滅的終極手段。從戰(zhàn)略概念而言，擁有核武器的非國(guó)家恐怖組織不受傳統(tǒng)威懾戰(zhàn)略約束，這為國(guó)際安全帶來(lái)了前所未有的嚴(yán)峻挑戰(zhàn)。
除恐怖主義威脅外，若不采取新的緊急行動(dòng)，美國(guó)將被迫進(jìn)入一個(gè)比冷戰(zhàn)威懾時(shí)期更不穩(wěn)定、更具心理顛覆性且經(jīng)濟(jì)代價(jià)更沉重的新核時(shí)代。面對(duì)全球范圍內(nèi)不斷增多的潛在核敵對(duì)國(guó)家，我們能否在不顯著增加核武器使用風(fēng)險(xiǎn)的前提下，成功復(fù)制美蘇舊有的“相互確保摧毀”機(jī)制？新晉核國(guó)家缺乏冷戰(zhàn)時(shí)期逐步建立的安全保障機(jī)制，難以及時(shí)防范核事故、誤判或未經(jīng)授權(quán)發(fā)射。美蘇從非致命性錯(cuò)誤中汲取經(jīng)驗(yàn)，雙方以高度審慎確保冷戰(zhàn)期間核武器未因蓄意或意外而被使用。新興核國(guó)家乃至整個(gè)國(guó)際社會(huì)，能否在未來(lái)五十年延續(xù)這般幸運(yùn)？
歷代領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人始終關(guān)注此議題。1953年，德懷特·艾森豪威爾在聯(lián)合國(guó)“原子能為和平服務(wù)”演說(shuō)中承諾，美國(guó)“決心幫助解決可怕的原子困境——全心全意尋找途徑，使人類(lèi)的非凡創(chuàng)造力不再用于毀滅，而是致力于生命延續(xù)”。約翰·肯尼迪為打破核裁軍僵局疾呼：“這個(gè)世界不應(yīng)成為人類(lèi)等待行刑的牢獄?！?/p>
1988年6月9日，拉吉夫·甘地在聯(lián)合國(guó)大會(huì)發(fā)出警示：“核戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)不僅意味著上億乃至十億人的死亡，更將導(dǎo)致四十億生靈滅絕——我們所知的地球生命將就此終結(jié)。我們來(lái)到聯(lián)合國(guó)尋求支持，懇請(qǐng)國(guó)際社會(huì)制止這種瘋狂行徑?！?/p>
羅納德·里根呼吁廢除“所有核武器”，他認(rèn)為這種武器“完全非理性、徹底反人道，除殺戮外別無(wú)用途，足以摧毀地球生命與文明”。米哈伊爾·戈?duì)柊蛦谭?/span>亦持有相同觀點(diǎn)，這與此前多位美國(guó)總統(tǒng)的立場(chǎng)不謀而合。
盡管雷克雅未克會(huì)晤未能達(dá)成全面廢除核武器的協(xié)議，但里根與戈?duì)柊蛦谭虺晒εまD(zhuǎn)了軍備競(jìng)賽方向。他們啟動(dòng)的削減戰(zhàn)略促成部署中的長(zhǎng)程和中程核力量大幅縮減，包括徹底銷(xiāo)毀一類(lèi)極具威脅的導(dǎo)彈。
如何重燃里根與戈?duì)柊蛦谭虻墓餐妇埃磕芊衲廴蚬沧R(shí)，制定切實(shí)可行的分階段核威脅削減方案？這兩個(gè)問(wèn)題的解決已迫在眉睫。
《不擴(kuò)散核武器條約》（NPT）以最終消除所有核武器為宗旨，規(guī)定：（一）1967年前未擁核國(guó)家承諾不獲取核武器；（二）擁核國(guó)家承諾逐步解除核武裝。自理查德·尼克松以來(lái)，歷屆兩黨總統(tǒng)均重申此項(xiàng)條約義務(wù)，但無(wú)核國(guó)家對(duì)核大國(guó)的誠(chéng)意疑慮日增。
當(dāng)前強(qiáng)力的防擴(kuò)散機(jī)制正在運(yùn)行：合作削減威脅計(jì)劃、全球威脅削減倡議、防擴(kuò)散安全倡議及附加議定書(shū)等創(chuàng)新機(jī)制，為偵測(cè)違反NPT及危害國(guó)際安全的活動(dòng)提供了有效工具，應(yīng)予以全面落實(shí)。安理會(huì)常任理事國(guó)及德日參與的朝核、伊核問(wèn)題談判至關(guān)重要，必須持續(xù)推進(jìn)。
但僅憑現(xiàn)有措施尚不足以應(yīng)對(duì)威脅。二十年前雷克雅未克峰會(huì)上，里根與戈?duì)柊蛦谭蛟鴳汛Ц甏蟮哪繕?biāo)——徹底消除核武器。他們的愿景雖沖擊了核威懾理論界，卻點(diǎn)燃了全球民眾的希望。兩個(gè)最大核武庫(kù)國(guó)家的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人，竟探討廢除其最強(qiáng)大的武器。
當(dāng)前應(yīng)采取何種行動(dòng)？NPT的承諾與雷克雅未克的構(gòu)想能否實(shí)現(xiàn)？我們認(rèn)為，美國(guó)應(yīng)主導(dǎo)開(kāi)展重大行動(dòng)，通過(guò)具體階段實(shí)現(xiàn)積極目標(biāo)。
首要任務(wù)是與擁核國(guó)家領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人開(kāi)展密集磋商，將無(wú)核世界目標(biāo)轉(zhuǎn)化為共同事業(yè)。這種以改變擁核國(guó)家核態(tài)勢(shì)為基礎(chǔ)的合作，將強(qiáng)化現(xiàn)有防擴(kuò)散努力，有效遏制朝鮮、伊朗核武裝化進(jìn)程。
應(yīng)尋求達(dá)成協(xié)議的方案須包含系列緊急措施，為消除核威脅奠定基礎(chǔ)：
·調(diào)整冷戰(zhàn)時(shí)期部署核武器的警戒狀態(tài)，延長(zhǎng)預(yù)警時(shí)間，降低核武器意外或未經(jīng)授權(quán)使用的風(fēng)險(xiǎn)
·持續(xù)推進(jìn)各擁核國(guó)家核武庫(kù)實(shí)質(zhì)性裁減
·消除設(shè)計(jì)用于前沿部署的短程核武器
·啟動(dòng)參議院兩黨協(xié)商程序，建立信任機(jī)制并實(shí)施定期審查，利用最新技術(shù)成果推動(dòng)《全面禁止核試驗(yàn)條約》獲批，并促使其他關(guān)鍵國(guó)家完成批約
·為全球范圍內(nèi)所有核武器、武器級(jí)钚及高濃鈾儲(chǔ)備建立最高安全標(biāo)準(zhǔn)
·建立鈾濃縮管控機(jī)制，配合核供應(yīng)國(guó)集團(tuán)及國(guó)際原子能機(jī)構(gòu)（IAEA）等國(guó)際監(jiān)管儲(chǔ)備，保障核電反應(yīng)堆鈾燃料的合理價(jià)格獲取。同時(shí)須解決核電反應(yīng)堆乏燃料帶來(lái)的擴(kuò)散風(fēng)險(xiǎn)
·全球范圍內(nèi)停止武器級(jí)裂變材料生產(chǎn)；逐步淘汰民用高濃鈾使用，清除全球研究機(jī)構(gòu)中武器級(jí)鈾庫(kù)存并確保其安全處置
·加倍努力化解催生新核國(guó)家的地區(qū)對(duì)抗與沖突
實(shí)現(xiàn)無(wú)核世界目標(biāo)還需采取有效措施，遏制任何威脅國(guó)家或人民安全的核相關(guān)行為。
重申無(wú)核世界愿景并采取切實(shí)行動(dòng)，將被視為契合美國(guó)道義傳統(tǒng)的重大倡議。這項(xiàng)努力將對(duì)子孫后代的安全產(chǎn)生深遠(yuǎn)積極影響。缺乏宏偉愿景，具體行動(dòng)將喪失正當(dāng)性與緊迫性；缺少實(shí)際行動(dòng)，宏偉愿景將淪為空中樓閣。
我們支持設(shè)定無(wú)核世界目標(biāo)，并全力推進(jìn)實(shí)現(xiàn)該目標(biāo)所需行動(dòng)，以上述措施為起點(diǎn)。
（由舒爾茨與西德尼·德雷爾博士組織的會(huì)議在胡佛研究所召開(kāi)，重新審視里根與戈?duì)柊蛦谭蛟诶卓搜盼纯颂岢龅脑妇?。除舒爾茨與德雷爾博士外，以下人士共同簽署本聲明：馬丁·安德森、史蒂夫·安德烈亞森、邁克爾·阿馬科斯特、威廉·克勞、詹姆斯·古德比、小托馬斯·格雷厄姆、托馬斯·亨里克森、大衛(wèi)·霍洛威、馬克斯·坎珀?duì)柭⒔芸恕ゑR特洛克、約翰·麥克勞克林、唐·奧伯多弗、羅贊·里奇韋、亨利·羅恩、羅阿爾德·薩格捷耶夫、亞伯拉罕·索費(fèi)爾）
二、英文
Nuclear weapons today present tremendous dangers, but also an historic opportunity. U.S. leadership will be required to take the world to the next stage — to a solid consensus for reversing reliance on nuclear weapons globally as a vital contribution to preventing their proliferation into potentially dangerous hands, and ultimately ending them as a threat to the world.
Nuclear weapons were essential to maintaining international security during the Cold War because they were a means of deterrence. The end of the Cold War made the doctrine of mutual Soviet-American deterrence obsolete. Deterrence continues to be a relevant consideration for many states with regard to threats from other states. But reliance on nuclear weapons for this purpose is becoming increasingly hazardous and decreasingly effective.
North Korea's recent nuclear test and Iran's refusal to stop its program to enrich uranium — potentially to weapons grade — highlight the fact that the world is now on the precipice of a new and dangerous nuclear era. Most alarmingly, the likelihood that non-state terrorists will get their hands on nuclear weaponry is increasing. In today's war waged on world order by terrorists, nuclear weapons are the ultimate means of mass devastation. And non-state terrorist groups with nuclear weapons are conceptually outside the bounds of a deterrent strategy and present difficult new security challenges.
Apart from the terrorist threat, unless urgent new actions are taken, the U.S. soon will be compelled to enter a new nuclear era that will be more precarious, psychologically disorienting, and economically even more costly than was Cold War deterrence. It is far from certain that we can successfully replicate the old Soviet-American "mutually assured destruction" with an increasing number of potential nuclear enemies world-wide without dramatically increasing the risk that nuclear weapons will be used. New nuclear states do not have the benefit of years of step-by-step safeguards put in effect during the Cold War to prevent nuclear accidents, misjudgments or unauthorized launches. The United States and the Soviet Union learned from mistakes that were less than fatal. Both countries were diligent to ensure that no nuclear weapon was used during the Cold War by design or by accident. Will new nuclear nations and the world be as fortunate in the next 50 years as we were during the Cold War?
Leaders addressed this issue in earlier times. In his "Atoms for Peace" address to the United Nations in 1953, Dwight D. Eisenhower pledged America's "determination to help solve the fearful atomic dilemma — to devote its entire heart and mind to find the way by which the miraculous inventiveness of man shall not be dedicated to his death, but consecrated to his life." John F. Kennedy, seeking to break the logjam on nuclear disarmament, said, "The world was not meant to be a prison in which man awaits his execution."
Rajiv Gandhi, addressing the U.N. General Assembly on June 9, 1988, appealed, "Nuclear war will not mean the death of a hundred million people. Or even a thousand million. It will mean the extinction of four thousand million: the end of life as we know it on our planet earth. We come to the United Nations to seek your support. We seek your support to put a stop to this madness."
Ronald Reagan called for the abolishment of "all nuclear weapons," which he considered to be "totally irrational, totally inhumane, good for nothing but killing, possibly destructive of life on earth and civilization." Mikhail Gorbachev shared this vision, which had also been expressed by previous American presidents.
Although Reagan and Mr. Gorbachev failed at Reykjavik to achieve the goal of an agreement to get rid of all nuclear weapons, they did succeed in turning the arms race on its head. They initiated steps leading to significant reductions in deployed long- and intermediate-range nuclear forces, including the elimination of an entire class of threatening missiles.
What will it take to rekindle the vision shared by Reagan and Mr. Gorbachev? Can a world-wide consensus be forged that defines a series of practical steps leading to major reductions in the nuclear danger? There is an urgent need to address the challenge posed by these two questions.
The Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) envisioned the end of all nuclear weapons. It provides (a) that states that did not possess nuclear weapons as of 1967 agree not to obtain them, and (b) that states that do possess them agree to divest themselves of these weapons over time. Every president of both parties since Richard Nixon has reaffirmed these treaty obligations, but non-nuclear weapon states have grown increasingly skeptical of the sincerity of the nuclear powers.
Strong non-proliferation efforts are under way. The Cooperative Threat Reduction program, the Global Threat Reduction Initiative, the Proliferation Security Initiative and the Additional Protocols are innovative approaches that provide powerful new tools for detecting activities that violate the NPT and endanger world security. They deserve full implementation. The negotiations on proliferation of nuclear weapons by North Korea and Iran, involving all the permanent members of the Security Council plus Germany and Japan, are crucially important. They must be energetically pursued.
But by themselves, none of these steps are adequate to the danger. Reagan and General Secretary Gorbachev aspired to accomplish more at their meeting in Reykjavik 20 years ago — the elimination of nuclear weapons altogether. Their vision shocked experts in the doctrine of nuclear deterrence, but galvanized the hopes of people around the world. The leaders of the two countries with the largest arsenals of nuclear weapons discussed the abolition of their most powerful weapons.
What should be done? Can the promise of the NPT and the possibilities envisioned at Reykjavik be brought to fruition? We believe that a major effort should be launched by the United States to produce a positive answer through concrete stages.
First and foremost is intensive work with leaders of the countries in possession of nuclear weapons to turn the goal of a world without nuclear weapons into a joint enterprise. Such a joint enterprise, by involving changes in the disposition of the states possessing nuclear weapons, would lend additional weight to efforts already under way to avoid the emergence of a nuclear-armed North Korea and Iran.
The program on which agreements should be sought would constitute a series of agreed and urgent steps that would lay the groundwork for a world free of the nuclear threat.
·Changing the Cold War posture of deployed nuclear weapons to increase warning time and thereby reduce the danger of an accidental or unauthorized use of a nuclear weapon.
·Continuing to reduce substantially the size of nuclear forces in all states that possess them.
Eliminating short-range nuclear weapons designed to be forward-deployed.
·Initiating a bipartisan process with the Senate, including understandings to increase confidence and provide for periodic review, to achieve ratification of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty, taking advantage of recent technical advances, and working to secure ratification by other key states.
·Providing the highest possible standards of security for all stocks of weapons, weapons-usable plutonium, and highly enriched uranium everywhere in the world.
·Getting control of the uranium enrichment process, combined with the guarantee that uranium for nuclear power reactors could be obtained at a reasonable price, first from the Nuclear Suppliers Group and then from the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) or other controlled international reserves. It will also be necessary to deal with proliferation issues presented by spent fuel from reactors producing electricity.
·Halting the production of fissile material for weapons globally; phasing out the use of highly enriched uranium in civil commerce and removing weapons-usable uranium from research facilities around the world and rendering the materials safe.
·Redoubling our efforts to resolve regional confrontations and conflicts that give rise to new nuclear powers.
Achieving the goal of a world free of nuclear weapons will also require effective measures to impede or counter any nuclear-related conduct that is potentially threatening to the security of any state or peoples.
Reassertion of the vision of a world free of nuclear weapons and practical measures toward achieving that goal would be, and would be perceived as, a bold initiative consistent with America's moral heritage. The effort could have a profoundly positive impact on the security of future generations. Without the bold vision, the actions will not be perceived as fair or urgent. Without the actions, the vision will not be perceived as realistic or possible.
We endorse setting the goal of a world free of nuclear weapons and working energetically on the actions required to achieve that goal, beginning with the measures outlined above.
A conference organized by Mr. Shultz and Sidney D. Drell was held at Hoover to reconsider the vision that Reagan and Mr. Gorbachev brought to Reykjavik. In addition to Messrs. Shultz and Drell, the following participants also endorse the view in this statement: Martin Anderson, Steve Andreasen, Michael Armacost, William Crowe, James Goodby, Thomas Graham Jr., Thomas Henriksen, David Holloway, Max Kampelman, Jack Matlock, John McLaughlin, Don Oberdorfer, Rozanne Ridgway, Henry Rowen, Roald Sagdeev and Abraham Sofaer.
三、譯文拾貝
nuclear proliferation
中文解釋?zhuān)汉藬U(kuò)散，指核武器、核技術(shù)或核材料向非核武器國(guó)家或非國(guó)家行為體轉(zhuǎn)移的現(xiàn)象。根據(jù)《不擴(kuò)散核武器條約》（NPT），締約國(guó)承諾防止此類(lèi)擴(kuò)散。
英文原句："preventing their proliferation into potentially dangerous hands"
mutual deterrence
中文解釋?zhuān)合嗷ネ兀鋺?zhàn)時(shí)期美蘇通過(guò)核力量平衡形成的戰(zhàn)略穩(wěn)定機(jī)制，即雙方均擁有摧毀對(duì)方的能力，從而避免直接沖突。
英文原句："the doctrine of mutual Soviet-American deterrence"
mutually assured destruction (MAD)
中文解釋?zhuān)合嗷ゴ_保摧毀，核威懾理論的核心概念，指兩個(gè)核大國(guó)若爆發(fā)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)，雙方將遭受不可承受的核報(bào)復(fù)，從而形成“同歸于盡”的平衡。
英文原句："old Soviet-American 'mutually assured destruction'"
non-state terrorists
中文解釋?zhuān)悍菄?guó)家行為體恐怖分子，獨(dú)立于主權(quán)國(guó)家的恐怖組織（如基地組織、ISIS），可能通過(guò)非法手段獲取核武器。
英文原句："non-state terrorists will get their hands on nuclear weaponry"
Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI)
中文解釋?zhuān)悍罃U(kuò)散安全倡議，2003 年由美國(guó)發(fā)起的多國(guó)合作機(jī)制，旨在攔截運(yùn)輸中的核材料與相關(guān)技術(shù)。
英文原句："Proliferation Security Initiative and the Additional Protocols"
Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT)
中文解釋?zhuān)喝娼购嗽囼?yàn)條約，1996 年通過(guò)的國(guó)際條約，禁止一切核武器試驗(yàn)，由聯(lián)合國(guó)監(jiān)督執(zhí)行。
英文原句："ratification of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty"
Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT)
中文解釋?zhuān)翰粩U(kuò)散核武器條約，1968 年生效的國(guó)際核裁軍基石，分為核武器國(guó)家（NWS）和無(wú)核武器國(guó)家（NNWS），后者承諾不發(fā)展核武器。
英文原句："The Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) envisioned the end"
Cooperative Threat Reduction (CTR) program
中文解釋?zhuān)汉献鳒p少威脅計(jì)劃，冷戰(zhàn)結(jié)束后美俄聯(lián)合實(shí)施的計(jì)劃，旨在銷(xiāo)毀前蘇聯(lián)遺留的核武器與材料。
英文原句："Cooperative Threat Reduction program"
Global Threat Reduction Initiative (GTRI)
中文解釋?zhuān)喝驕p少威脅倡議，2004 年啟動(dòng)的美國(guó)計(jì)劃，目標(biāo)是消除全球范圍內(nèi)的核材料安全隱患。
英文原句："Global Threat Reduction Initiative"
Additional Protocols
中文解釋?zhuān)焊郊幼h定書(shū)，IAEA 核查機(jī)制的補(bǔ)充協(xié)議，允許對(duì)締約國(guó)進(jìn)行更嚴(yán)格的突擊檢查。
英文原句："Additional Protocols are innovative approaches"
fissile material
中文解釋?zhuān)毫炎儾牧希捎糜谥圃旌宋淦鞯牟牧?，如?- 235、钚 - 239。
英文原句："Halting the production of fissile material"
highly enriched uranium (HEU)
中文解釋?zhuān)焊邼饪s鈾，鈾 - 235 濃度超過(guò) 20% 的鈾材料，可用于核武器或核反應(yīng)堆。
英文原句："highly enriched uranium everywhere in the world"
plutonium
中文解釋?zhuān)侯校斯ず铣傻姆派湫栽?，是核武器的關(guān)鍵材料之一。
英文原句："weapons-usable plutonium"
forward-deployed nuclear weapons
中文解釋?zhuān)呵把夭渴鸷宋淦鳎渴鹪诳拷鼭撛跊_突地區(qū)的核武器，如冷戰(zhàn)時(shí)期美蘇在歐洲部署的中程導(dǎo)彈。
英文原句："eliminating short-range nuclear weapons designed to be forward-deployed"
Cold War posture
中文解釋?zhuān)豪鋺?zhàn)態(tài)勢(shì)，指冷戰(zhàn)時(shí)期美蘇為應(yīng)對(duì)核戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)威脅而采取的軍事部署和戰(zhàn)略思維。
英文原句："changing the Cold War posture of deployed nuclear weapons"
accidental nuclear use
中文解釋?zhuān)阂馔夂耸褂?，因技術(shù)故障、誤判等非故意因素導(dǎo)致的核武器發(fā)射。
英文原句："reduce the danger of an accidental or unauthorized use"
unauthorized launch
中文解釋?zhuān)何唇?jīng)授權(quán)發(fā)射，違反指揮鏈程序的核武器發(fā)射行為，可能由內(nèi)部人員違規(guī)操作引發(fā)。
英文原句："prevent nuclear accidents, misjudgments or unauthorized launches"
arms race
中文解釋?zhuān)很妭涓?jìng)賽，國(guó)家間為爭(zhēng)奪軍事優(yōu)勢(shì)而進(jìn)行的武器數(shù)量與質(zhì)量競(jìng)爭(zhēng)，如冷戰(zhàn)時(shí)期的美蘇核競(jìng)賽。
英文原句："turning the arms race on its head"
strategic stability
中文解釋?zhuān)簯?zhàn)略穩(wěn)定，通過(guò)力量平衡避免核戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的狀態(tài)，是核威懾理論的核心目標(biāo)。
英文原句："maintaining international security during the Cold War"
nuclear disarmament
中文解釋?zhuān)汉瞬密?，通過(guò)條約或協(xié)議減少或消除核武器的過(guò)程，如《中導(dǎo)條約》和《新削減戰(zhàn)略武器條約》。
英文原句："break the logjam on nuclear disarmament"
Atoms for Peace
中文解釋?zhuān)涸幽芎推接?jì)劃，1953 年艾森豪威爾提出的倡議，主張將核技術(shù)用于民用領(lǐng)域以促進(jìn)國(guó)際合作。
英文原句："Dwight D. Eisenhower's 'Atoms for Peace' address"
joint enterprise
中文解釋?zhuān)郝?lián)合行動(dòng)，多個(gè)國(guó)家為共同目標(biāo)協(xié)同開(kāi)展的國(guó)際合作，如當(dāng)前應(yīng)對(duì)氣候變化的全球行動(dòng)。
英文原句："turn the goal into a joint enterprise"
Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG)
中文解釋?zhuān)汉斯?yīng)國(guó)集團(tuán)，由 48 國(guó)組成的非正式組織，制定核材料出口控制準(zhǔn)則以防止擴(kuò)散。
英文原句："first from the Nuclear Suppliers Group"
International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA)
中文解釋?zhuān)簢?guó)際原子能機(jī)構(gòu)，聯(lián)合國(guó)下屬機(jī)構(gòu)，負(fù)責(zé)監(jiān)督核技術(shù)和平利用及防擴(kuò)散核查。
英文原句："International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA)"
spent nuclear fuel
中文解釋?zhuān)悍巳剂?，核反?yīng)堆使用后的燃料，仍含有可提取的裂變材料（如钚）。
英文原句："proliferation issues presented by spent fuel"
civil nuclear commerce
中文解釋?zhuān)好裼煤松虡I(yè)，核能在發(fā)電、醫(yī)療等和平領(lǐng)域的商業(yè)應(yīng)用，需嚴(yán)格監(jiān)管以防止轉(zhuǎn)用于軍事。
英文原句："highly enriched uranium in civil commerce"
nuclear research facilities
中文解釋?zhuān)汉搜芯吭O(shè)施，用于核能開(kāi)發(fā)的實(shí)驗(yàn)室或工廠，如伊朗的納坦茲鈾濃縮廠。
英文原句："research facilities around the world"
regional confrontations
中文解釋?zhuān)旱貐^(qū)對(duì)抗，特定區(qū)域內(nèi)國(guó)家間的政治或軍事對(duì)立，如印巴在克什米爾的沖突。
英文原句："resolve regional confrontations and conflicts"
nuclear-related conduct
中文解釋?zhuān)荷婧诵袨?，與核技術(shù)相關(guān)的活動(dòng)，包括合法民用與非法軍事用途。
英文原句："impede or counter any nuclear-related conduct"
moral heritage
中文解釋?zhuān)旱赖逻z產(chǎn)，國(guó)家或文明傳承的倫理價(jià)值觀，如美國(guó)對(duì)自由、民主的倡導(dǎo)。
英文原句："consistent with America's moral heritage"
security of future generations
中文解釋?zhuān)汉蟠踩?，通過(guò)預(yù)防性措施保障子孫后代免受核威脅的理念，體現(xiàn)可持續(xù)安全觀。
英文原句："profoundly positive impact on the security of future generations"
joint vision
中文解釋?zhuān)汗餐妇埃鄠€(gè)國(guó)家對(duì)國(guó)際秩序或安全目標(biāo)的共識(shí)，如《巴黎協(xié)定》中的減排目標(biāo)。
英文原句："vision shared by Reagan and Mr. Gorbachev"
bilateral reductions
中文解釋?zhuān)弘p邊削減，兩個(gè)國(guó)家通過(guò)協(xié)議減少核武器數(shù)量，如美俄《新削減戰(zhàn)略武器條約》。
英文原句："significant reductions in deployed nuclear forces"
intermediate-range missiles
中文解釋?zhuān)褐谐虒?dǎo)彈，射程在 1000-5500 公里的導(dǎo)彈，冷戰(zhàn)時(shí)期美蘇《中導(dǎo)條約》將其全面銷(xiāo)毀。
英文原句："elimination of an entire class of threatening missiles"
technical advances
中文解釋?zhuān)杭夹g(shù)進(jìn)步，科技發(fā)展對(duì)核裁軍的推動(dòng)，如遙感技術(shù)提升核查能力。
英文原句："taking advantage of recent technical advances"
nuclear accident prevention
中文解釋?zhuān)汉耸鹿暑A(yù)防，通過(guò)技術(shù)手段和管理規(guī)范防止核設(shè)施事故，如國(guó)際核事件分級(jí)表（INES）。
英文原句："step-by-step safeguards to prevent nuclear accidents"
nuclear misjudgment
中文解釋?zhuān)汉苏`判，因情報(bào)錯(cuò)誤或戰(zhàn)略誤讀導(dǎo)致的核沖突風(fēng)險(xiǎn)，如古巴導(dǎo)彈危機(jī)期間的美蘇對(duì)峙。
英文原句："prevent nuclear accidents, misjudgments"
nuclear weapon states (NWS)
中文解釋?zhuān)汉宋淦鲊?guó)家，根據(jù) NPT 定義，1967 年前擁有核武器的國(guó)家（美、俄、中、英、法）。
英文原句："states that do possess them agree to divest"
non-nuclear weapon states (NNWS)
中文解釋?zhuān)簾o(wú)核武器國(guó)家，NPT 框架下承諾不發(fā)展核武器的國(guó)家，享有和平利用核能的權(quán)利。
英文原句："non-nuclear weapon states have grown skeptical"
treaty obligations
中文解釋?zhuān)簵l約義務(wù)，締約國(guó)根據(jù)國(guó)際條約承擔(dān)的法律責(zé)任，如 NPT 要求核武器國(guó)家推進(jìn)核裁軍。
英文原句："reaffirmed these treaty obligations"
nuclear deterrence doctrine
中文解釋?zhuān)汉送乩碚?，通過(guò)展示核報(bào)復(fù)能力阻止對(duì)手攻擊的戰(zhàn)略思想，其有效性依賴于可信性。
英文原句："shocked experts in the doctrine of nuclear deterrence"
nuclear danger reduction
中文解釋?zhuān)汉宋ｋU(xiǎn)降低，通過(guò)軍備控制措施減少核戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)風(fēng)險(xiǎn)，如降低核武器警戒狀態(tài)。
英文原句："steps leading to major reductions in the nuclear danger"
uranium enrichment process
中文解釋?zhuān)衡櫇饪s過(guò)程，通過(guò)離心機(jī)等技術(shù)提高鈾 - 235 濃度的工業(yè)流程，可用于民用或軍事目的。
英文原句："getting control of the uranium enrichment process"
civil nuclear reactors
中文解釋?zhuān)好裼煤朔磻?yīng)堆，用于發(fā)電的核設(shè)施，其乏燃料可能被轉(zhuǎn)用于核武器生產(chǎn)。
英文原句："uranium for nuclear power reactors"
nuclear fuel cycle
中文解釋?zhuān)汉巳剂涎h(huán)，從鈾礦開(kāi)采到乏燃料處理的全流程，每個(gè)環(huán)節(jié)都存在擴(kuò)散風(fēng)險(xiǎn)。
英文原句："proliferation issues presented by spent fuel"
nuclear security standards
中文解釋?zhuān)汉税踩珮?biāo)準(zhǔn)，國(guó)際原子能機(jī)構(gòu)制定的核材料保護(hù)規(guī)范，如《核安全公約》。
英文原句："highest possible standards of security"
nuclear terrorism
中文解釋?zhuān)汉丝植乐髁x，恐怖組織使用或威脅使用核武器的行為，被列為全球安全的最高威脅之一。
英文原句："nuclear weapons are the ultimate means of mass devastation"
nuclear arms control
中文解釋?zhuān)汉塑娍?，通過(guò)條約限制核武器發(fā)展，如《限制戰(zhàn)略武器條約》（SALT）。
英文原句："urgent new actions are taken"
nuclear abolition
中文解釋?zhuān)簭U除核武器，徹底銷(xiāo)毀全球核武器的終極目標(biāo)，需建立在普遍信任與有效核查之上。
英文原句："the elimination of nuclear weapons altogether"
Reykjavik summit
中文解釋?zhuān)豪卓搜盼纯朔鍟?huì)，1986 年里根與戈?duì)柊蛦谭蚺e行的峰會(huì)，首次提出消除核武器的愿景但未達(dá)成協(xié)議。
英文原句："aspired to accomplish more at their meeting in Reykjavik"
大外交青年智庫(kù)（簡(jiǎn)稱“大外交智庫(kù)”）（Glory Diplomacy Youth Think-tank，Glory Diplomacy或GDYT）是一家創(chuàng)辦于2017年的以外交安全為主的綜合性戰(zhàn)略研究機(jī)構(gòu)、社會(huì)/青年智庫(kù)，總部在中國(guó)深圳，是深圳首家非官方外交安全智庫(kù)、中國(guó)首家青年智庫(kù)，創(chuàng)始人是王蓋蓋。GDYT一直堅(jiān)持“只有修煉好內(nèi)功，才能放心去實(shí)戰(zhàn)”的發(fā)展理念，從2017年創(chuàng)始初期穩(wěn)扎穩(wěn)打，于2018年成立青年原創(chuàng)評(píng)論組（于2022年改組為《智本青析》編輯部）并創(chuàng)辦《智本青析》電子刊至今；2019年在海南開(kāi)設(shè)分支機(jī)構(gòu)即海南大外交學(xué)會(huì)（GDYT HN），同年成立青年發(fā)展研究院，該中心在2019年創(chuàng)辦“大外交青年發(fā)展與實(shí)踐啟航項(xiàng)目”研修班至今，在2021年創(chuàng)辦“世界青年菁英坊《早點(diǎn)知道》講座項(xiàng)目”至今；2020年成立應(yīng)試就業(yè)研究院并創(chuàng)辦《真題解析》付費(fèi)專(zhuān)欄；同年7月，成立外交外事涉外安全決策咨詢公司，集中研究國(guó)家安全與國(guó)際安全、海外利益分析與保護(hù)、青年外交與青年發(fā)展、區(qū)域國(guó)別與國(guó)際組織、跨國(guó)公司與全球治理等事務(wù)；2021年成立外文編譯評(píng)議組并創(chuàng)辦《大譯編參》電子刊至今（該編輯部于2022年創(chuàng)辦《每日信報(bào)》微電子日刊），同年成立區(qū)域國(guó)別研究院（該院于2022年創(chuàng)辦《新國(guó)別簡(jiǎn)報(bào)》欄目）；2022年成立世界外交數(shù)據(jù)中心、全球治理研究院（該院于2022年創(chuàng)辦《鴻士論天下》欄目）、國(guó)家安全研究院、黨的理論創(chuàng)新研究中心，并合并所有專(zhuān)訪項(xiàng)目（青坊談、最有影響力人物訪談、21世紀(jì)中國(guó)外交天團(tuán)、學(xué)人專(zhuān)訪等）整合為《與名人對(duì)話》欄目，組建“青年智庫(kù)特種部隊(duì)”全職高精尖部門(mén)（該部門(mén)于2023年創(chuàng)辦《中華內(nèi)參》內(nèi)刊）和全球范圍內(nèi)的“大中華菁英圈”（該共同體于2024年創(chuàng)辦《全球統(tǒng)戰(zhàn)》內(nèi)刊），開(kāi)啟“Smallibrary·小書(shū)屋”全球青年閱讀挑戰(zhàn)計(jì)劃（該計(jì)劃于2022年創(chuàng)辦《智庫(kù)書(shū)屋》欄目），運(yùn)營(yíng)新知太學(xué)（網(wǎng)絡(luò)）書(shū)院（該書(shū)院于2022年創(chuàng)辦《線上共讀》欄目）；2023年，成立全球創(chuàng)業(yè)研究中心、全球?yàn)硡^(qū)研究院、跨國(guó)公司研究中心、海外利益研究中心、數(shù)字經(jīng)濟(jì)研究院、海洋治理研究中心、基式外交研究中心，在香港開(kāi)設(shè)分支機(jī)構(gòu)“香港大外交學(xué)會(huì)（GDYT HK）”，創(chuàng)辦“華灣國(guó)際創(chuàng)業(yè)發(fā)展新菁英匯”國(guó)際人才交流平臺(tái)，創(chuàng)辦“灣山友（WSY）”戶外爬山徒步讀書(shū)研討國(guó)際精英俱樂(lè)部；2024年，成立新型智庫(kù)研究院、企業(yè)出海研究院（整合全球創(chuàng)業(yè)研究中心、跨國(guó)公司研究中心、海外利益研究中心等三大中心于一體）、“荔林讀書(shū)會(huì)（LOC）”（整合“國(guó)關(guān)讀書(shū)會(huì)”“華灣讀書(shū)會(huì)”“灣山友讀書(shū)會(huì)”“全球4%讀書(shū)會(huì)”等四大讀書(shū)會(huì)于一體）等。GDYT從2021年以來(lái)，多次舉辦全國(guó)（含全球）青年國(guó)際問(wèn)題學(xué)術(shù)研討、思想交流、政策分析與企業(yè)出海等活動(dòng)，如“國(guó)際問(wèn)題研究型青年智庫(kù)發(fā)展模式探索論壇”、“新型國(guó)際問(wèn)題青年智庫(kù)建設(shè)與發(fā)展論壇”、“國(guó)際關(guān)系青年辯論賽”、“國(guó)際關(guān)系青年辯論賽最佳辯手論壇”、“世界青年菁英坊《早點(diǎn)知道》系列講座”、“國(guó)際問(wèn)題/區(qū)域國(guó)別學(xué)術(shù)研討會(huì)（GDYT·ISAS）”系列活動(dòng)、“《與名人對(duì)話》系列采訪活動(dòng)”、“《鴻士論天下》系列講座活動(dòng)”、“新時(shí)代中國(guó)國(guó)際戰(zhàn)略高端論壇與菁英論壇”、“華灣國(guó)際創(chuàng)業(yè)發(fā)展新菁英匯”系列活動(dòng)、“GDYT與國(guó)際知名學(xué)者對(duì)話”、“灣山友俱樂(lè)部粵港澳國(guó)際精英戶外實(shí)踐交流”系列活動(dòng)、“荔林讀書(shū)會(huì)”國(guó)際前沿思想沙龍等等。自創(chuàng)辦以來(lái)，GDYT一直致力于“讓壹億中國(guó)大外交青年智慧與方案被全球看見(jiàn)”，聚集全球各地有志青年為實(shí)現(xiàn)個(gè)人、企業(yè)、社會(huì)、國(guó)家和世界和平發(fā)展而奮斗，至2021年底，已發(fā)展成集專(zhuān)家顧問(wèn)、研究員（含高級(jí)）、特約研究員（含高級(jí)）、助理研究員、編譯評(píng)議員、時(shí)政評(píng)論員、實(shí)習(xí)生、志愿者等全方位國(guó)際人才體系（200人）的樣本標(biāo)桿青年智庫(kù)，聚焦中國(guó)與全球大外交領(lǐng)域青年的原創(chuàng)方案、發(fā)展計(jì)劃和外交延伸等助力與服務(wù)，在“對(duì)照全球外交發(fā)展、對(duì)接世界高端智庫(kù)、對(duì)比新型平臺(tái)建設(shè)”的三原則指導(dǎo)下，為中國(guó)的外交與安全發(fā)展貢獻(xiàn)青年力量和方案，為中央及地方政府部門(mén)提供內(nèi)參、為企業(yè)國(guó)內(nèi)外發(fā)展提供商業(yè)咨詢、為國(guó)際問(wèn)題智庫(kù)建設(shè)提供調(diào)研路徑、為非政府組織及個(gè)人提供咨詢等服務(wù)，被海內(nèi)外青年譽(yù)為現(xiàn)代智囊的“青年精英大腦集中營(yíng)、集散地”，是全球新型外交青年智庫(kù)的開(kāi)創(chuàng)者和代言人！
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